Fruitful Years For The People of This Democracy
A speech by a great President
This is a speech that one can read and apply to our period with certainty. The words of President Roosevelt's Third Inaugural Address transcend time with a strength and dignity as strong as gravity. The speech is as relevent now as it was then.
Democracy is not inherited, it is an earned privilege. President Roosevelt knew this truth as he fought tyranny within our borders and abroad. The gains that the Democratic Party made during the New Deal period were, and still are, in constant jeopardy. The language that President Roosevelt selected for this speech indicates this fact as he used words like "tyranny and slavery" to describe the period before his Presidency. On many levels, he was correct.
Slavery like labor was common in the United States before 1932, people worked for sustenance wages; despair was ubiquitous. The Iron Law of Wages was achieved. But by 1942 our Democratic government had changed the trend of poverty and had begun the golden age of the American middle-class.
Many believe that we are moving in the direction of abstract poverty for the majority once again. This conclusion is reached as we watch our industries become decimated by imbalanced foreign competition and trade, importation of cheap labor for both white and blue collar industries, as our healthcare rises to exorbitant levels of expense, and as our government attempts to open our borders to unlimited amounts of cheap bargan workers while not allowing them, the exploited workers, the privilege of organizing for their rights or becoming citizens. Our middle-class is deteriorating, while the wealthier classes are growing. As President Roosevelt points out, Democracy is fragile; it can be broken, and democracy will not survive with out a strong middle-class.
President Roosevelt died April 12, 1945, while at Warm Springs, Georgia, he died of a cerebral hemorrhage. He left us the legacy of Social Security, strong labor unions, the strongest and wealthiest economy in our history, healthcare for the elderly and poor and the most educated, politically active middle-class of our time. As then, these gains are in constant danger. We must be careful as - “tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide"
Franklin D. RooseveltThird Inaugural Address
Washington, DC
Monday, January 20, 1941
ON each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States. In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation.
In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within.
In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without. To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock—to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.
Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three-score years and ten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live.
There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide.
But we Americans know that this is not true.
Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the midst of shock—but we acted. We acted quickly, boldly, decisively.
These later years have been living years—fruitful years for the people of this democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to be measured in other than material things.
Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis at home; put away many evil things; built new structures on enduring lines; and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy.
For action has been taken within the three-way framework of the Constitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.
Democracy is not dying. We know it because we have seen it revive—and grow.
We know it cannot die—because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise—an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority. We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men's enlightened will.
We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.
We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent—for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society. A nation, like a person, has a body—a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time.
A nation, like a person, has a mind—a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors—all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.
And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters most to its future—which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present. It is a thing for which we find it difficult—even impossible—to hit upon a single, simple word.
And yet we all understand what it is—the spirit—the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands—some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely.
The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna Charta. In the Americas its impact has been irresistible.
America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom.
Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address. Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them—all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.
The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth. We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land. But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone.
It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.
Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live. But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.
That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States.
It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.
The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789—words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: "The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered ... deeply,... finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people."
If we lose that sacred fire—if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear—then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.
In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy. For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America. We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.
On November 5, 1940 President Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected to his THIRD term in office. When Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes administered the Oath of Office to him on the East Portico of the Capitol Building the following January 20th, it became the first and only time that a U.S. President gave THREE Inaugural Addresses. Following the traditional Inaugural Parade, the President and his wife hosted a reception at the White House that was attended by several thousand visitors and guests.
A speech by a great President
This is a speech that one can read and apply to our period with certainty. The words of President Roosevelt's Third Inaugural Address transcend time with a strength and dignity as strong as gravity. The speech is as relevent now as it was then.
Democracy is not inherited, it is an earned privilege. President Roosevelt knew this truth as he fought tyranny within our borders and abroad. The gains that the Democratic Party made during the New Deal period were, and still are, in constant jeopardy. The language that President Roosevelt selected for this speech indicates this fact as he used words like "tyranny and slavery" to describe the period before his Presidency. On many levels, he was correct.
Slavery like labor was common in the United States before 1932, people worked for sustenance wages; despair was ubiquitous. The Iron Law of Wages was achieved. But by 1942 our Democratic government had changed the trend of poverty and had begun the golden age of the American middle-class.
Many believe that we are moving in the direction of abstract poverty for the majority once again. This conclusion is reached as we watch our industries become decimated by imbalanced foreign competition and trade, importation of cheap labor for both white and blue collar industries, as our healthcare rises to exorbitant levels of expense, and as our government attempts to open our borders to unlimited amounts of cheap bargan workers while not allowing them, the exploited workers, the privilege of organizing for their rights or becoming citizens. Our middle-class is deteriorating, while the wealthier classes are growing. As President Roosevelt points out, Democracy is fragile; it can be broken, and democracy will not survive with out a strong middle-class.
President Roosevelt died April 12, 1945, while at Warm Springs, Georgia, he died of a cerebral hemorrhage. He left us the legacy of Social Security, strong labor unions, the strongest and wealthiest economy in our history, healthcare for the elderly and poor and the most educated, politically active middle-class of our time. As then, these gains are in constant danger. We must be careful as - “tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide"
Franklin D. RooseveltThird Inaugural Address
Washington, DC
Monday, January 20, 1941
ON each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States. In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation.
In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within.
In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without. To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock—to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.
Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three-score years and ten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live.
There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide.
But we Americans know that this is not true.
Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the midst of shock—but we acted. We acted quickly, boldly, decisively.
These later years have been living years—fruitful years for the people of this democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to be measured in other than material things.
Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis at home; put away many evil things; built new structures on enduring lines; and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy.
For action has been taken within the three-way framework of the Constitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.
Democracy is not dying. We know it because we have seen it revive—and grow.
We know it cannot die—because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise—an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority. We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men's enlightened will.
We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.
We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent—for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society. A nation, like a person, has a body—a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time.
A nation, like a person, has a mind—a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors—all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.
And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters most to its future—which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present. It is a thing for which we find it difficult—even impossible—to hit upon a single, simple word.
And yet we all understand what it is—the spirit—the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands—some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely.
The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna Charta. In the Americas its impact has been irresistible.
America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom.
Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address. Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them—all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.
The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth. We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land. But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone.
It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.
Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live. But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.
That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States.
It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.
The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789—words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: "The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered ... deeply,... finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people."
If we lose that sacred fire—if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear—then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.
In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy. For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America. We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.
On November 5, 1940 President Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected to his THIRD term in office. When Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes administered the Oath of Office to him on the East Portico of the Capitol Building the following January 20th, it became the first and only time that a U.S. President gave THREE Inaugural Addresses. Following the traditional Inaugural Parade, the President and his wife hosted a reception at the White House that was attended by several thousand visitors and guests.
11 Comments:
This assumes van is deprecatingly honest, Van.
A lot of neo's point you can't really prove or argue against using evidence, facts, logic, reason, or anything else for that matter except to emotionally react in a knee jerk fashion that "this is the way it is, period".
I’m left with the scense that you’re not really interested in knowing the truth
You are left with a sense really means "these are my feelings, unconnected to any real reason or thoughts".
The degradation of mental faculties is expected on the Left and for Democrats. This is regardless of who you are, for to believe in an ideology based upon faith is to compartamentalize your mind and degrade whatever reasoning gifts you still had available.
It is unfortunate, because you really can't defend Hersh and say why he is right. You can only say why his critiques are dishonest and wrong. Which begs the question of who was dishonest in the first place. (beg question in the fallacy sense, not the rhetorical and vernacular meaning)
People who recklessly act first and think 52nd later, are not very useful.
3:05 PM, April 14, 2006
Reply to your comment on Hersh.
I guess I am just dumb, what are you talking about? Can you please explain your point again?
Are you asking me MD or the dope who left a comment about a thread on another blog site?
If me, this post is a tribute to a President who stood, in fact ipedimized Liberal values.
As President he was a friend to the middle-classes, he was not afraid of a fight, he was a moral leader of our nation and a brilliant political stratigist.
His death was on April 12th 1945 - I wanted to post this entry on April 12, but I couldn't get to it in time.
I hope that it makes sense now.
Truth is MD, when I read speeches by Roosevelt I lement that we do not have this sort of leadership is Washington today.
I suspect that Roosevelt rose to the occasion, but I wonder who will lead the Democratic party in such a way for my generation.
Both parties, for that matter, seem to lack moral leadership - both have corrupted by corporate money and special interests.
To Ymarsakar:
You have to nerve to write:
"The degradation of mental faculties is expected on the Left and for Democrats. This is regardless of who you are, for to believe in an ideology based upon faith is to compartamentalize your mind and degrade whatever reasoning gifts you still had available."
And yet your ideology (Neo-conservatism) has never been proven in any political or economic environment. In fact, it is a complete failure in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Neo-conservatism is incongruent, completely uncalibrated by a successful archetype. And here you have the audacity to question the historical relevance of liberalism which is the foundation of our nation, has stood the test of time since the days of Jefferson, and has delivered the strongest middle-class and military in the history of the world.
Have you seen the polls? Your days are numbered, your ideology is failing. It has no traction, and it is sinking. It cannot work in the long run because it only appeals to a very small minority.
American Liberalism on the other hand has an historical precedence. It has been weakened before, it always comes back. Why?
It appeals to the majority. It appeals to the heart and mind of men. It strikes a balance between civilian and military interests. It balances corporate interests and the interests of the individual.
This is not faith, its precedence – proven history.
Your ideology is not proven, and it is failing. Which requires faith again?
Well, van, if your blog is to act as a mirror and not as a hub for others to send you messages, good for you van.
But personally, it's rather convenient to have a blog on the internet to have others send me comments that they would like me to see, but that's just good old Jacksonian me.
The Democrats and the Left are fake liberals. Neo-conservatism is the inheritor of real Liberalism. But irregardless, neo-conservatism doesn't matter. Because Jacksonians made up a huge majority of America, and I'm a Jacksonian first and foremost, neo-conservative by label not choice.
I do admit I should have included the link, but I was just talking to van. And didn't make efforts to accomodate the "audience".
http://www.blogger.com/publish-comment.do?blogID=11011311&postID=114522145620349720&r=ok
that is for van.
And this is the link I was replying to.
Neo's site, look at bottom for relevant comment by van
I guess Democrats aren't interested in dialogue on their blogs, if it isn't consistent with the thread line, aka party line. If that is Liberalism, which I doubt, I'll go with Bookie and Neo's neo-conservatism instead.
Oh man, that is too much to respond to. We will see about the neo-con situation, and as much as I bash liberals I'm only joking. Hopefully the sarcasm comes across when necessary.
Van, I was asking "ym" to explain again. The insult is stupid. While there is a thing or two I agree with I just don't know what the majority is. I mean faith. I'd argue everything is based in faith. Not always religious faith. But why are you going to be part of something if you do not have "faith" it what it is trying to accomplish.
YM, you are the type of person that makes it harder for people like Van and myself to have sensible conversations that result in any forward movement of society. You make the "right" look like the "far wacky left."
MD - YM is mentioning a site that I used to visit, but I just can't bring myself to read or comment on any further.
Much of the writing there is strawman.
My final comment was basically a polite way of stating that and that I wouldn't be back.
YM is just a reader there. I guess that I offended him in some way.
I responded on his site.
MD, it's not like I care. But the insult, is indeed stupid. Or if I did care, it wouldn't matter. Because, you don't see the underlying current. Or if you did, it doesn't show up when you talk to Van. But irregardless, if you can't reason about it, you don't convince anyone. If you did convince anyone, it would not be a good thing. Bottom line, your reasoning isn't very good. One of the reasons you and van can communicate, is because you both prefer ad hominem attacks to real logic.
Van's ad hominem insults are just part and parcel of the process. His ignorance of Jacksonianism is another thing. Obviously, van, if you knew about Jacksonianism you would have realized that I wasn't refering to myself as a Jacksonian Democrat. Google it up, if you have the curiosity. I always wished people were more curious, you know.
The only people Liberalism wants to liberate, are people they care about. And they don't care about a lot of people, in the end. That's par for the course of course, but still.
You got to let go of your fetish against neo-conservatives van. Because they aren't mine and I'm not a neo-conservative.
Your days are numbered.
Spoken like Bush to Saddam.
Are you some sort of an idiot?
I would appreciate it you would stop leave comments on my blog that have absolutely nothing to do with the thread.
Go back to the hole that you came out of and stay there - moron!
You got to go, Van, cause there's one thing doesn't happen and you know it. That's honesty, you're not honest with yourself and that lack of quality prevents you from understanding or even debating with people like me.
The thing is, I can defeat any argument, but because I recognize that other people know this, I also recognize that other people tend not to present their best arguments to me, for me to defeat. Strawman or no strawman, without presenting their arguments, everyone will stay right. Sad, but still.
Look, your the type of person that most sane people avoid.
So you can have your assumptions about me, I don't care.
You can defeat any argument?
ok.
Good bye.
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